Yushchenko Hi-flyer – Jetseting Beyond Budget Living the high life on the public expense account

October 2, 2009

Yushchenko spent 21 million for foreign trips

 

Ukraine’s president Viktor Yushchenko has spent up big on international travel amidst concerns that there is little to no gain from the expenditure leaving Ukraine to pick up the tab. 

 

Yushchenko always takes big suite in his foreign trips, spends millions, but often brings nothing useful back – no important agreements or serious contracts. The president has made 76 trips for the years of his presidency. In his first year Yushchenko spent 15.7 million and this year 20.9 million UAH. Leonid Kuchma, for example, spent only 5.9 million for trips in 2004.

Commenting on the president’s trip to Turkmenistan on September 15-16, vice speaker Mykola Tomenko, BYuT faction, said that Yushchenko used two planes and took with him a lot of officials, attendants and musicians.

Expenses for president’s upkeep rose by 31%, 1.6 milliard UAH from the budget.

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NISS: Yushchenko on the rise – Yatseniuk losing support.

September 20, 2009

A recent public opinion poll published in Kyivpost has Yushchenko listed at 7.1% (Significantly greater then all other polls). Yushchenko, who is still in single digits, is behind Yanukovych (21.7%), Tymoshenko (14%) and Yatseniuk (10%)

The poll was conducted by the National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISS).

This poll is very much out of sync with all other public opinion polls. If it is to be believed than it shows Yushchenko picking up ground at the expense of Yatseniuk who has dropped to just 10%. Both Yatseniuk and Yushchenko are vying for the same electorate base. Under Ukraine’s two-round “first-past-the-post” Presidential voting system Yushchenko would have to out-poll both Yulia Tymoshenko and Yasteniuk to survive the first round of voting.

It needs to be mentioned that since 19 November 2000, the National Institute for Strategic Studies has been subordinated to the Office of the President of Ukraine and the Institute’s current director, Yuri Ruban, was appointed in 2005. This says a lot about the credibility of the poll.

Kyivpost also published another NISS poll indicating that a majority of Ukrainians support Yushchenko’s proposed Constitutional reforms and a Presidential-Parliamentary system. All are lacking credibility and should be viewed with caution


Stavniychuk resigns from secretariat on eve of Presidential election

September 15, 2009

Ukraine’s embattled Viktor Yushchenko’s deputy head of the Presidential Secretariat of Ukraine Maryna Stavniychuk intends to submit her resignation.

According to the sources Maryna Stavniychuk had a falling out with Yushchenko’s new head of the secretariat, Vera Ulianchenko, relating to the subordination of the main national legal service of the Presidential Secretariat. Raising concerns over Maryna Stavniychuk’s domain of competence and efforts by the head of the President’s secretariat to reign in Stavniychuk.

Maryna Stavniychuk was Yushchenko’s Constitutional voice and representative to Ukraine’s Constitutional Court.

Stavniychuk’s resignation is another blow to Yushchenko’s campaign as she was the pivot point for Yushchenko’s push for Constitutional reform and the restoration of Presidential dominance over Ukraine.

It is unclear if Maryna Stavniychuk’s resignation also includes her resignation as Ukraine’s representative on the Venice Commission. Looks like her career has come to an abrupt end.


Yushchenko moves into the last six months of his five-year term of office

July 23, 2009

On January 23, 2005 Viktor Yushchenko took the oath commencing his five-year term of office.

As of today Yushchenko has less then six months remaining of his five-year term.

With the passing of this date Yushchenko loses authority to dismiss Ukraine’s parliament.

Article 90 of Ukraine’s Constitution removes the authority of the President to dismiss Ukraine’s Parliament within the last six months of the President’s term of office.

In 2007 Yushchenko dismissed Ukraine’s democratically elected parliament and illegally and unconstitutionally interfered in the independence an operation of Ukraine’s Constitutional Court in order to prevent the Court from ruling on the constitutionally of his April 2nd decree.

Any attempt by the President to dismiss Ukraine’s parliament for a second time will be challenged in Ukraine’s Constitutional Court and cause a repeat of the political and civil unrest that occurred in 2007.

Yushchenko can not afford the political fall out of an adverse ruling of the Constitutional Court and cause another debilitating political crisis in the lead-up to Presidential elections scheduled for January 17, 2010.

Article 90

The authority of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine is terminated on the day of the opening of the first meeting of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of a new convocation.

The President of Ukraine may terminate the authority of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine prior to the expiration of term, if:

(1) there is a failure to form within one month a coalition of parliamentary factions in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine as provided for in Article 83 of this Constitution;

(2) there is a failure, within sixty days following the resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, to form the personal composition of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine;

(3) the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine fails, within thirty days of a single regular session, to commence its plenary meetings.

The early termination of powers of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine shall be decided by the President of Ukraine following relevant consultations with the Chairperson and Deputy Chairpersons of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and with Chairpersons of Verkhovna Rada parliamentary factions.

The authority of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, that is elected at special elections conducted after the pre-term termination by the President of Ukraine of authority of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the previous convocation, shall not be terminated within one year from the day of its election.

The authority of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine shall not be terminated during the last six months of the term of authority of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine or President of Ukraine.


One week remaining as Ukraine begins to hold it’s breath

July 18, 2009

Will he or won’t he?

The Parliament has moved into Summer recession and it’s next regular session is scheduled to commence on September 1.

Any attempt by Yushchenko to dismiss the Parliament and force another round of parliamentary elections ahead of the Presidential election scheduled for January 17, 2010 would be counter productive.

Yushchenko’s supporters claim that there are grounds for dismissing the Parliament is highly disputable.

On July 24 Victor Yushchenko will be in his last six months of his five year term of office.

With the passing of this date Yushchenko will lose authority under Article 90 of Ukraine’s constitution to dismiss Ukraine’s parliament. If he is to have any chance of success in forcing another round of parliamentary elections he will have to act this week or risk being ruled out of order by Ukraine’s Constitutional Court.


Ukraine’s new coalition is official Our Ukraine – Peoples Self Defence agree to the revised coalition

December 16, 2008

Kyiv Post have reported that the Our Ukraine and People’s Self Defence faction have formally decided to re-form a governing coalition with Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko and Bloc Lytvyn to the desperate cries of dissatisfaction from supporters of Ukraine’s embattled President Victor Yushchenko.

The decision of the President’s faction is a clear sign that Yushchenko’s policies of division and undermining of Ukraine’s Democratic government have taken their toll. Had Ukraine been forced to another round of Parliamentary elections Our Ukraine, who had slumped in public opinion polls to below 4%, ran the risk of losing representation in the new parliament.

The determination of the faction to support a realignment with Ukraine’s governing party promoted the resignation of the leader of the Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defense Bloc faction, Viacheslav Kyrylenko, and his deputy Roman Zvarych. Both had played a crucial role in undermining the government’s success. Roman Zvarych was the man responsible for the failed negotiations that lead to the collapse of the Orange Revolution Alliance and the decision of the Social Party of Ukraine to form a governing coalition with Party of regions and the Communist party of Ukraine back in 2007

The new alliance which includes bloc Lytvyn, whose leader was elected as Speaker and potential successor to Yushchenko, is widely seen as a serious blow and loss of face for Ukraine’s President who has lost all respect. Victor Yushchenko has twice sought to dismiss Ukraine’s parliamentary government bring the country close to civil unrest and collapse and in the process he has undermined Ukraine’s economic and democratic development.

The people of Ukraine have grown weary of the President’s power struggle and his term of office. Yushchenko failed to deliver on the Countries expectation since the 2004 Orange revolution that saw him elected to office. The President’s dramatic fall from grace has been tormentuous if not spectacular from a high of 52% in 2004 to a dismal 4% in 2008.

It is unclear as to Yushchenko’s next move. Technically he can force though fresh elections but to do so would be a oaramount to treason and rejection of the democratic process. Whilst he had the authority to dismiss the parliament it is doubtful that he can do so now.

There are some that claim Yushchenko is on borrowed time. An agreement has been reached to allow the President to see his term of office out but much of that depends on what actions the president takes.

If he continues his attack on Ukraine’s democratic coalition then the agreement may come unstuck. There are reports on the media that Yushchenko will use the budget and threat of blocking supply as his next weapon of attack. If he does this will only exacerbate Ukraine’s economic crisis and further undermine public confidence in the Office of the President.

Come next summer the President loses the power and authority to dismiss Ukraine’s government. Ukraine will move into the process of election of a new president and it is unlikely that Yushchenko, given his poor performance, will be supported for re-election. Without the support of Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko or Party of Regions Yushchenko’s termof President has come to an end.


Ukraine’s new coalition is official Our Ukraine – Peoples Self Defence agree to the revised coalition

December 16, 2008

Kyiv Post have reported that the Our Ukraine and People’s Self Defence faction have formally decided to re-form a governing coalition with Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko and Bloc Lytvyn to the desperate cries of dissatisfaction from supporters of Ukraine’s embattled President Victor Yushchenko.

The decision of the President’s faction is a clear sign that Yushchenko’s policies of division and undermining of Ukraine’s Democratic government have taken their toll. Had Ukraine been forced to another round of Parliamentary elections Our Ukraine, who had slumped in public opinion polls to below 4%, ran the risk of losing representation in the new parliament.

The determination of the faction to support a realignment with Ukraine’s governing party promoted the resignation of the leader of the Our Ukraine-People’s Self-Defense Bloc faction, Viacheslav Kyrylenko, and his deputy Roman Zvarych. Both had played a crucial role in undermining the government’s success. Roman Zvarych was the man responsible for the failed negotiations that lead to the collapse of the Orange Revolution Alliance and the decision of the Social Party of Ukraine to form a governing coalition with Party of regions and the Communist party of Ukraine back in 2007

The new alliance which includes bloc Lytvyn, whose leader was elected as Speaker and potential successor to Yushchenko, is widely seen as a serious blow and loss of face for Ukraine’s President who has lost all respect. Victor Yushchenko has twice sought to dismiss Ukraine’s parliamentary government bring the country close to civil unrest and collapse and in the process he has undermined Ukraine’s economic and democratic development.

The people of Ukraine have grown weary of the President’s power struggle and his term of office. Yushchenko failed to deliver on the Countries expectation since the 2004 Orange revolution that saw him elected to office. The President’s dramatic fall from grace has been tormentuous if not spectacular from a high of 52% in 2004 to a dismal 4% in 2008.

It is unclear as to Yushchenko’s next move. Technically he can force though fresh elections but to do so would be a oaramount to treason and rejection of the democratic process. Whilst he had the authority to dismiss the parliament it is doubtful that he can do so now.

There are some that claim Yushchenko is on borrowed time. An agreement has been reached to allow the President to see his term of office out but much of that depends on what actions the president takes.

If he continues his attack on Ukraine’s democratic coalition then the agreement may come unstuck. There are reports on the media that Yushchenko will use the budget and threat of blocking supply as his next weapon of attack. If he does this will only exacerbate Ukraine’s economic crisis and further undermine public confidence in the Office of the President.

Come next summer the President loses the power and authority to dismiss Ukraine’s government. Ukraine will move into the process of election of a new president and it is unlikely that Yushchenko, given his poor performance, will be supported for re-election. Without the support of Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko or Party of Regions Yushchenko’s termof President has come to an end.